Incomprehensible messaging is a very important part of Russian propaganda.

You know, I think that a conversation about what Facebook is - is it a public resource, even though it's a privately owned corporation? Is it a media company? It is certainly not just a platform, as Facebook has claimed repeatedly. I think that is a really important question.

I think some people have blind faith in American institutions without knowing a whole lot about them and think they will stand up to Trump and are indestructible.

Any country is either becoming more democratic or less democratic. I think the United States hasn't tended to its journey toward democracy in a long time.

I have no doubt that there are Russian efforts to disturb the fabric of American democracy, but they're disruption efforts. They're troublemaking efforts. They're also not illegal.

Putin has built a mobilisation society, his sky high popularity numbers, which Donald Trump so envies, are fully dependent on being able to mobilise the population against an enemy and that imagined enemy is the United States.

Now, academics are not always the easiest people to talk to, and the scholarly papers aren't always the easiest papers to read, but frankly, psychology papers, especially papers and books on terrorism, are very easy to read, and journalists should be reading them.

Violent behavior predicts violent behavior. Obviously not every domestic abuser will become a terrorist. If somebody is prone to violence, and also has radical beliefs, and also feels very slighted, that's when you have the combination.

I think Putin's popularity was genuine when he first came to power. He was seen as a welcome relief from the Yeltsin era.

Putin really assumed that once Trump - who had such clear admiration for him - was elected, it would be convenient for Trump to change the relationship with Russia profoundly and instantly.

Scholars of totalitarianism talk about the importance of this constant movement, this forever war, this need to do battle on behalf of something that needs protection. In Russia, this something has been postulated as faith and traditional values.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, people thought the last Soviet generation was going to be the great hope for democracy. When that failed, their hopes shifted to the first post-Soviet generation, and then the second one.

I don't have a lot of hope for Russia when Putin goes, because I think that the kind of damage that has been done to that country hasn't been understood. We've never seen a country that has been this battered.

When totalitarian regimes are established, they at least have the illusion of the single-minded purpose. But once they establish the stature that's necessary for a totalitarian regime, they tend to flail.

Putin has this ritual of having the televised meetings with ministers. Cameras will be allowed in to film the first five minutes of a meeting that is conducted entirely for the cameras. We don't even know whether the meeting then goes on.

There can be a conspiracy, but the presence of a conspiracy is actually not an excuse for conspiracy thinking.

I think that Putin's strategy has been throwing a lot of money, fairly haphazardly, at a lot of projects aimed at disrupting Western relations and undermining trust in democracies. They may have gotten farther in the States than anywhere else.

I would not attribute any strategic thinking to Trump.

There's nothing effective against Trump. Trump is Trump. Trump is going to lie. Trump is going to act the way he's acting. No amount of reason, no amount of criticism, no amount of anything is going to work to change Trump's behavior. Putin is exactly the same way.

What Trump is not smart enough to even grasp is that the kind of popularity that Putin has can only be achieved in the context of retro-totalitarianism.

Putin is an uneducated, unintelligent, uncultured man who has no plan.

I've learned over the years to hear what Putin is railing against in his own railing way.

I think there was certainly contact between the Trump campaign and Russians, which is perfectly normal. All campaigns in the modern age have contact with representatives of foreign governments.

Both Trump and Putin use language primarily to communicate not facts or opinions but power: it's not what the words mean that matters but who says them and when. This makes it impossible to negotiate with them and very difficult for journalists to cover them.

Most Russians believe they've never met an LGBT person in their lives. Also they immediately see LGBT people as 'other,' lending to the success of singling the group out as a 'problem.'

I wanted to show something that Americans don't usually think about when they think about Russia, which is the extreme stratification of Soviet society.

Hate has a great unifying potential.

Abstracted hatred is incredibly potent. There's never the risk of having it challenged by the reality of living human beings.

A political conversation is a conversation in which people with different views come to agreements about how they're going to inhabit this society together.

Where incompetence is prized, it is ever-present.

Procrastination makes easy things hard, hard things harder.

Every day begins with an act of courage and hope: getting out of bed.

In the game of love, the losers are more celebrated than the winners.

Human society sustains itself by transforming nature into garbage.

Only the broken-hearted know the truth about love.

Living alone makes it harder to find someone to blame.

Moo may represent an idea, but only the cow knows.

Cure for an obsession: get another one.

Excuses change nothing, but make everyone feel better.

The doctrine of the immortality of the soul has more threat than comfort.

The time I kill is killing me.

Love begins with an image; lust with a sensation.

Compassion brings us to a stop, and for a moment we rise above ourselves.

Faith moves mountains, but you have to keep pushing while you are praying.

Lust and greed are more gullible than innocence.

Travelers never think that they are the foreigners.

We are prepared for insults, but compliments leave us baffled.

If you call failures experiments, you can put them in your resume and claim them as achievements.

Ideology has shaped the very sofa on which I sit.

A happy arrangement: many people prefer cats to other people, and many cats prefer people to other cats.