Bob Corker's a very reasonable person.

In Indiana, we don't have an official state religion, but if we did, it would be basketball.

There's a high level of frustration with the two-party system out there.

I believe I would be a very strong general-election candidate.

Sometimes making progress a step at a time is better than no progress at all.

If, by demanding revolutionary change, I run the risk of accomplishing nothing on behalf of the public, then I'm not sure that's a responsible course of action.

Sometimes you have to make tough decisions to hold the line on spending.

Between being governor and part of the Senate, one of the things I did was I held a chair at the business school at my alma mater, Indiana University. And I'd go to lecture the graduates, and I loved that, answering their questions. It was real; it was tangible, and it was making a difference every day.

No one ever built the filibuster rule. It just kind of was created.

My father was on the Judiciary Committee all 18 years. He had a good personal relationship with Jim Eastland. They probably didn't agree on practically anything, or very little, from a public policy standpoint. But they were willing to work through that to see what they could get done just because they knew each other and liked each other.

Companies that are publicly held have a fiduciary duty to their shareholders to try to maximize their profits within ethical reasons.

Many good people serve in Congress. They are patriotic, hard-working, and devoted to the public good as they see it, but the institutional and cultural impediments to change frustrate the intentions of these well-meaning people as rarely before.

While romanticizing the Senate of yore would be a mistake, it was certainly better in my father's time.

My father, Birch Bayh, represented Indiana in the Senate from 1963 to 1981. A progressive, he nonetheless enjoyed many friendships with moderate Republicans and Southern Democrats.

Through our own hard work and ingenuity, America has spent much of its history as the world's dominant economic power. But our dominance is not pre-ordained - history does not roll along on the wheels of inevitability.

Americans have always prized individuality - it is part of our national DNA - but America is a community that draws strength from the sum of our people and has always known that the total of that sum is worth far more than its individual parts.

We need leaders who appeal to us to think about something other than narrow self-interest but instead focus upon the greater good.

As Democrats, we have a patriotic duty and political imperative to lay out our ideas for protecting America.

China's island-building in the South China Sea poses a threat to U.S. national security interests in the region.

The United States depends on South Korea and Japan to help promote American values in East Asia.

Sometimes, when I come back to Washington from Indiana, I feel like an ambassador to a foreign country.

I intend to continue to fight for the things I think are right for my country.

I'm a former governor, and so I was the chief executive, and when the legislature wasn't in session, I was running the state.

If you are the executive, you're probably going to have more of an impact than if you're one of a hundred members of the Senate, certainly one of 435 members of the House.

I like a lot of my Republican colleagues, starting with my friend from Indiana, Senator Lugar. We've had an excellent relationship.

I've never stopped being a Hoosier.

I care about family issues.

We all have things in life we'd do over again.

Ultimately, the American people ourselves need to decide we care more about practical solutions and progress than we do about brain-dead ideology and political wrangling.

The fastest-growing part of the Pentagon's budget are health care expenses.

I love my father, and I believe in him. And he lost to Dan Quayle. I had a hard time understanding how that could happen.

Every once in a while, an election comes along, and who you are and what you believe gets subsumed in a larger tide. It just happens.

To regain our political footing, we must prove to moderates that Democrats can make tough choices.

The most important area for spending restraint is entitlement reform.

Any time a party has lost three consecutive elections, it becomes a bit more willing to explore the notion of principled compromise so it's able to pursue some of its objectives.

Vladimir Putin was awarded an advanced degree by the St. Petersburg Mining Institute with the help of a dissertation that, as two Brookings researchers discovered, included sixteen stolen pages - and, remarkably, not a single set of quotation marks.

I didn't expect to find much visible trace of the American war in Vietnam. The Vietnamese are too hard-bitten to dwell on it, and they've sanded away all but the outcroppings of history - the museums, the memorials.

In a city that worships the new and the sleek, the street market at Da Jing Road is willfully out of step. It is a splendid jumble of centuries, full of sizzling pot stickers and bleating cell phones, pungent rice wine and bullfrogs as plump as softballs.

Political prodigies are rare in a nation that grooms top leaders through decades of Communist Party road-testing and pageantry. And because Chairman Mao's cult of personality led the country into extremism, the Party spent the next three decades engineering its politicians to be as indistinguishable as possible.

In Beijing, we talk about air purifiers the way that teenage boys talk about cars.

Immigration, of course, in New Hampshire is - it's not something that you see every day. It's not like talking about it in Texas, where people have a much more explicit sense of it.

'419 scams,' named for a clause from the Nigerian penal code, are such a part of the white noise of the digital age that we no longer notice them.

Living abroad has heightened my interest in how foreigners regard the strange places we encounter.

I spent years overseas. I spent 11 years abroad.

Disclosure and transparency are the currency of the Internet, and they are at odds with authoritarianism.

Donald Trump has a mantra of despair, of loss. He says we don't have victories anymore. We used to have victories, but we don't. And he says the American dream is dead.

In China, inaugurations are frequent affairs, though they have nothing to do with presidents. A news cycle rarely passes without some fanfare over the inaugural ride on a new subway line or the inaugural trip across an unusually large bridge.

When I was a student there in the mid-1990s, they had just created the weekend; depth and individuality were slowly returning after the austere, colorless low of the 1970s. When I returned to live in China from 2005 to 2013, the country was building everything anew.

There was a docudrama that was made, called 'The Death Of A Princess,' which was about a true story in Saudi Arabia. It was about a public execution for adultery. And when the movie was aired on British television, the Saudi government threatened to cut off oil exports and to cut off diplomatic relations.

The Beijing government avidly asserts its control over matters of reincarnation as a way of securing the loyalty and political complexion of influential Tibetan figures.